The Muckraker's Reference Section
Jack Abramoff
Jack Abramoff is a lifetime GOP operative. He has pleaded guilty to conspiracy, tax evasion, and a variety of frauds.
On March 29, 2006 Abramoff was sentenced to 5 years and 10 months in prison for fraud in the purchase of a Florida casino cruise line, SunCruz. He reported to a medium security federal prison in Cumberland, Maryland in November 2006.
Abramoff's larger case relates to bribing public officials and defrauding the Native American tribes who were his clients. Abramoff pleaded guilty January 3rd, 2006 to three counts: Conspiracy to Defraud the United States, Mail Fraud, and Tax Evasion. A status conference is scheduled for December 7, 2007, after several postponements, meaning Abramoff will likely not be sentenced for his bribery conviction until 2008. The charges carry a maximum penalty of 20 years in prison and $250,000 in fines, but federal prosecutors will recommend a sentence of 9 1/2 - 11 years total if he continues to cooperate.
Abramoff became chairman of the College Republicans in 1981, succeeding Grover Norquist. Norquist, Abramoff and Ralph Reed worked together to push a more aggressive and activist brand of Republicanism.
Abramoff later directed Citizens for America, a grass-roots group that lobbied Congress to support the Nicaraguan Contras, among other Reagan administration causes. Abramoff was also involved in aiding other anti-communist rebels throughout the world. Together with Angolan rebel leader Jonas Savimbi, he organized a "convention" of anticommunist guerrillas from Laos, Nicaragua and Afghanistan which convened in a remote part of Angola.
In 1986, he founded the International Freedom Foundation, whose mission was to spread negative propaganda about South Africa's anti-apartheid African National Congress. The effort was mostly funded by that country's apartheid-era regime. He went on to co-write and produce Red Scorpion, an anticommunist propaganda effort reportedly financed by the South African government. Abramoff went on to produce the sequel, Red Scorpion 2.
In 1994, Abramoff began work as a lobbyist in the Washington, D.C. office of Seattle-based law firm Preston Gates and Ellis. He moved over to Greenberg Traurig at the beginning of 2001.
See Abramoff's Grand Ole Docket entry for ongoing court dates, and follow Abramoff coverage at TPMmuckraker.Key Points:
Abramoff deceived his clients in a scheme called "Gimme Five."
Abramoff advised several of his tribal clients to hire Capital Campaign Strategies, LLC, a public relations company owned by Michael Scanlon.
The plan was called "Gimme Five," because Abramoff and Scanlon agreed to split the profits fifty-fifty. The tribes had no knowledge that Abramoff and Scanlon were business partners.
Abramoff and Scanlon routinely overbilled the tribes. For example, Abramoff sent the Choctaw tribe a bogus invoice from CCS for $1 million, which the tribe paid. Abramoff and Scanlon split the fee between themselves.
Abramoff hired Ralph Reed to fight gambling companies competing with Abramoff's client.
Abramoff hired Ralph Reed to rally Christian opposition to other casinos that were threatening one of Abramoff's clients, the Coushattas. Reed was paid more than $5 million for these efforts between 2001 and 2003.
Abramoff covertly worked against a tribe for whom he later lobbied.
After Abramoff successfully shut down the casino of the Tigua tribe in Texas, he offered to help them reopen it. They agreed; his fees soared to $4.2 million. The casino was never reopened.
Abramoff's personal contributions have gone exclusively to Republican candidates.
Between 1999 and 2006, Abramoff made more than $200,000 worth of personal donations to Congressional candidates - all of them Republicans.
Abramoff advised his clients to donate heavily to specific legislators.
Between 1999 and 2006, Abramoff's tribal clients donated more than $3 million to lawmakers, many of whom wrote letters and sponsored legislation in the tribes' favor. The donations went mostly, but not exclusively, to Republicans.
Abramoff used his restaurant and skyboxes as political leverage.
Abramoff owned the restaurant, Signatures, in Washington's Capitol Hill neighborhood, where he hosted fundraisers and wined and dined legislators. Abramoff also had four skyboxes at arenas in the Washington area, which members of Congress also frequently used for fundraisers, often without reimbursing Abramoff.
Abramoff offered to lobby for the Sudanese government
In late 2001, Abramoff met with the Sudanese ambassador Khidir Haroun Ahmed in a skybox at FedEx Field to offer his lobbying services. For a reported $16 million to $18 million dollars Abramoff offered to clean up the image of the much-criticized government of Sudan in Washington. The proposal was never accepted.
Abramoff sent congressmen on luxury trips.
Abramoff organized trips for congressmen, their aides and their families to places such as Scotland, Puerto Rico, the Marshall Islands, and Russia, as well as the 2000 Super Bowl. These trips cost tens of thousands of dollars, and often included golfing, gambling or other recreation. Abramoff's clients footed the bills.
Legislators who traveled on Abramoff's dime include Reps. Tom DeLay (R-TX), Bob Ney (R-OH), John Doolittle (R-CA), and Conrad Burns (R-MT).
Abramoff pressured the Department of the Interior through Deputy Secretary J. Steven Griles, via Italia Federici
Abramoff used Italia Federici, president of the Council of Republicans for Environmental Advocacy, as a go-between with Deputy Interior Secretary J. Steven Griles. Federici's organization received about $500,000 from Abramoff's tribal clients.
In 2003, Abramoff offered a job to Griles. An investigation has indicated that Griles advised Abramoff on how to help legislators influence the Department of the Interior.
Abramoff defrauded investors of his SunCruz acquisition.
Abramoff and his business partner, Adam Kidan, faked a $23 million wire transfer toward the purchase of SunCruz casinos, owned by Gus Boulis. They also lied on financial disclosure statements and used borrowed money to deceive potential lenders.
Abramoff and Kidan were indicted in August of 2005. Both pled guilty and on March 29, 2006 Abramoff and Kidan were sentenced to 5 years and 10 months in prison.
Abramoff has admitted to bribing Rep. Bob Ney (R-OH).
According to Abramoff's plea deal, he provided gifts and contributions to Ney in exchange for official acts.
Abramoff organized a trip to Scotland for Bob Ney and his staff that was paid for in part by the Tigua tribe. Ney created legislation to allow the Tiguas to regain their gaming rights - a plan that eventually failed.
Abramoff also reportedly helped guide $10,000 to the Republican committee, a donation for which Ney received credit. At the request of Abramoff, Ney entered two statements in the Congressional Record that favored the Abramoff-Kidan acquisition of SunCruz.
Abramoff paid Tony Rudy's wife in return for Rudy's help in Congress.
According to his plea deal, Abramoff paid Lisa Rudy, wife of Tom DeLay chief of staff Tony Rudy, $5,000 per month for 10 months while she worked with a group called Toward Tradition.
In return, Tony Rudy used his sway to help the Abramoff clients who supplied the funding - eLottery and the Magazine Publishers of America.
Abramoff offered to arrange meetings with President Bush for foreign heads of state.
In 2002, Abramoff used his connection to Karl Rove to set up a meeting between President Bush and Malaysian President Mahathir Mohamad. Abramoff received about $1 million from the Malaysian government for his lobbying services in 2001 and 2002.
Abramoff also offered to arrange a meeting between President Bush and President Omar Bongo of Gabon for $9 million. Though there is no record that the offer was accepted, Bush did eventually meet with Bongo.
Grover Norquist arranged meetings with Bush every year from 2001 through 2004 for Abramoff's tribal clients. For example, on May 9, 2001, Norquist arranged a meeting between the Coushatta, Choctaw and Bush. Two other corporate entities were there. The price to attend was $25,000 per person.
Abramoff was close to Karl Rove.
Abramoff arranged with Rove to set up a meeting between President Bush and the President of Malaysia. Abramoff is said to have been close with Rove and referred to him as "Karl."
Abramoff also was connected to Susan Ralston, a former assistant of Abramoff's who went on to become Rove's administrative assistant. Abramoff is said to have called Ralston his "implant" in the White House.
Abramoff laundered money through fake charities.
In 1999, Abramoff founded the Capital Athletic Foundation (CAF), a charity that was used to funnel money between his clients and his projects. Clients who donated to CAF include Native American tribes and Foxcom, an Israeli telecom startup, whose money went to support an orthodox Jewish school in Washington, provide sniper supplies to Israeli settlers, and fund a $150,000 trip to Scotland taken by Reed, Ney, and others.
CAF filed false donation reports with the IRS and spent less than 1% of its revenue on its purported mission - to enhance youth athletic programs in the D.C. area.
Abramoff tried to hide his lobbying for several companies.
Abramoff lobbied for a company called Rose Garden Holdings, which was discovered to be a front for a manufacturing giant in the Northern Marianas Islands.
Abramoff was paid $2.1 million by Voor Huisen, a Dutch shell company that appears to have been a front for executives from Naftasib, a Russian energy giant. Voor Huisen was dissolved days after Abramoff left Greenberg, Traurig.
Abramoff hired former congressional staffers who sometimes illegally lobbied their former bosses.
Abramoff hired former staffers of Tom Delay (Tony Rudy), Bob Ney (Neil Volz), John Doolittle (Kevin Ring), Conrad Burns (Shawn Vassel, Will Brooke), and Alaska GOP Rep. Don Young (Duane Gibson) among others.
Neil Volz has been named in Abramoff's plea deal as having lobbied Bob Ney within a year of leaving his staff to work for Abramoff.
Abramoff may have helped to quash an investigation into his Guam lobbying.
The Bush administration demoted Frederick Black, the former U.S. Attorney of Guam, the day after his grand jury issued subpoenas in an investigation of Jack Abramoff's dealings with the Superior Court of Guam.
Abramoff had been secretly lobbying on behalf of the Guam Superior Court to stop congressional legislation that would set up a Supreme Court in Guam above the Superior Court.
Research by Josh Hudelson and Adrianne Jeffries
return to the homepage
